Kalaw

The Philippines, named after King Philip II of Spain in 1618, was already of interest to Spain before the Spaniardseven reached the land. In 1565, reports of huge gold mines in the Cordillera reached the Viceroy of Mexico, which led to the first official Spanish expedition to the Cordillera in 1576. King Philip III, waging the Thirty Year War which needed funding, sent orders for large expeditions to the Philippines. In 1620, Captain Garcia de Aldana Cabrera offered the resisting Igorot tribal leaders clemency if they were willing to accept Catholic religion, obey the Spanish government and pay a fifth of all their mined gold to the Spanish King. They refused and the Spanish conquerors built forts and organized military troops to start the exploitation of the gold mines. During the years that followed, the Spanish managed to trade gold despite setbacks from the Igorots, who because of their resistance remained relatively independent from Spanish rule. The price that the Igorots had to pay for this independence was that they became different from their colonised brothers. The Philippines staged Asias first nationalistic revolution in 1896, and declared its independence on June 12, 1898. The newly founded country was soon taken over by the United States of America. The US was the first foreign nation to fully invade the highlands of the Gran Cordillera to push the mining operations in the territory. On September 27, 1927, the Benquet Concolidated Mining Company discovered one of the richest veins of gold ever, at a time when the USA was entering the Great Depression. This was the start of a real gold rush into Cordillera region: in 1929, there were 94 mining companies, by 1933 there were 17,812. This extreme growth had tremendous results for the landscape; it changed the original one way Mountain Trail into a busy highway despite the road slides and cuts that occur up to this day. Again, similar to the fight against the Spanish, the indigenous inhabitants protested against the destruction of their land and the neglecting of their rights. Mining operations continued to grow and by 1939 the Philippines ranked among the worlds leading gold producers, and second to the state of California among US producers. From 1936 to 1946 the Philippines was granted domestic self administration under the Commonwealth of the Philippines as a transitional period to complete independence. From 1941 to 1945 the country fell under Japanese rule, and was liberated by the USA. The USA subsequently recognized Philippine independence on July 4, 1946. The independent republics policy shifted towards the integration of the cultural minorities into mainstream culture. In 1966 the Philippine Congress passed the Seperation Bill, dividing the old Mountain Province into four new ones: Banquet, Mountain Province (Bontoc), Ifago and Kalinga-Apayo. The political elite hoped that the creation of several provinces would, by increasing the regions representation, increase development spending in the area. Under the Marcos administration, politicization of the Cordillera took a new turn. National government development projects in the area were against the interests of the indigenous peoples, and were strongly resisted by them. Particularly important were the Chico River Dam project and the Cellophil project. The first threatened to inundate traditional villages, the second gave outsiders control over vast forest lands. Resistance resulted in increased regional consciousness rather than local ethnic consciousness. This period is known for its arbitrary arrests, disappearances and torture. With the killing of Benigno Aquino in 1983, the human rights situation further deteriorated. In 1986, because of financial fraud, Marcos had to step back from office and was succeeded by Corazon Aquino. Under her leadership the human rights situation started to improve; political prisoners were released, repressive laws were repealed and all relevant UN Conventions were ratified. However, the Aquino administration failed to tackle substantial issues such as land reform and the restructuring of the economy. After the collapse of the negotiations between the government and the National Democratic Front (NDF), Aquino declared the Total War Policy, aimed at recovering New Peoples Army (NPA) controlled areas and to destroy the NPAs organizational and infrastructure base. The NPA had moved into the Cordillera to Two major problems threaten the living environment of the people in the Cordillera. The first problem concerns the dam projects; through these projects many people have to flee their houses and seek refuge in other areas. The second problem concerns the foreign mining companies; through these projects mineral resources ate taken away from the tribal lands and the environment is being destroyed. First, the violation of our people's rights to our ancestral domain. By virtue of unjust land laws, direct landgrabbing and so-called development projects, the Philippine government has attempted to dismember the Cordillera ancestral domain, and has made us squatters in our own land. If we allow this to continue, they very territorial base of our distinction as a people will be threatened. Second, the denial and deprivation of our ancestral proprietary rights to the utilization, disposition and management of all the natural resources within the ancestral domain. While so much of the wealth of the Cordillera has been tapped by the state and big business, we have not been given a fair share in the beneficial returns of such development. Third, the non-recognition of the persistent viability of our indigenous socio-political structures and political misrepresentation. In many parts of the Cordillera, we continue to practice and have recourse to our indigenous institutions such as the ATOR and the GODONG, but these structures do not receive recognition in the present set-up. Instead bureaucratic structures have been imposed, as also the artificial division of the Cordillera into two regions. Worse, there have been instances when our institutions have been misused by the state and the military to create divisions among us. Fourth, disrespect and non-recognition of our cultural identity and integrity. Our rituals and our cultural traditions have been vulgarized and commercialized for the tourist dollar. Movies and the mass media continue to disrespect indigenous culture and spread discriminatory ideas about indigenous peoples. Fifth, militarization. Because of our people's growing awareness of common problems and a growing Cordillera unity, the Cordillera region is now heavily militarized. Numerous abuses have been committed against our people. Even whole communities have been displaced from our ancestral lands. The heavy militarization in our homelands is threatening our very right to life, to physical integrity and the security of our people. Indigenous Peoples and the Environment Indigenous peoples numbering more than 400 million at present have their own worldview or concept regarding mans relation to the environment or ecological system. Since time immemorial, indigenous peoples lives have been interdependent with their natural environment or with mother earth. They have nurtured the land with hard labor, not only for their own survival, but also for generations yet to come. They regard the symbiotic relationship with the ecological system as something to be enhanced and nurtured for the common good and for the continued survival of all. From this historical perspective, indigenous peoples can be regarded as the original ecologists and environmentalists. Because of the indigenous peoples regard for their natural environment, this has become the base of their life, spirituality, ethnicity, culture and identity as people and their distinct collectivity. Indigenous socio-cultural and political systems are largely based on the principles of collective peaceful coexistence, mutual respect, cooperation, collective work, selflessness for the common good and consensus building in decision-making processes. This indigenous worldview makes them distinct from the prevailing western oriented culture in regard to resources. With the advent of colonialism, indigenous peoples were considered savages who were barbaric and uncivilized because they resisted assimilation to the mainstream colonized society. Later, they were subjected to forced assimilation and development aggression which in many instances resulted in their further isolation from the so-called mainstream society. The aggression to control the natural resources of the world through colonization has disenfranchised indigenous peoples the world over. Consequently, when nation-states were formed out of the formerly colonized societies, laws on the ownership of resources by States further aggravated the oppression of indigenous peoples. Today, this oppression is being intensified by so-called development programs which are actually designed for resource extraction especially in the homelands of indigenous peoples. Bilateral and multilateral aid agencies and multinational companies are pushing projects such as large dams, corporate mining, commercial logging, and commercial agricultural production that completely disregards the rights of indigenous people as if their integral existence with nature were just incidental. As a result, they have put up resistance which in many instances has been met with force and deception, if not with the outright use of the military might of the State. Indigenous Peoples and Human Rights With the historical relations of indigenous peoples to their land and territory as the material base of their survival, they have the inherent right to their land. Because of the historical injustices committed against indigenous peoples in taking away their land and resources, and in disregarding their interests, welfare and rights as human beings, their collective right to exist as indigenous peoples must be protected and guaranteed to ensure their continuing survival. For indigenous peoples, the right to life of every human being is the right to land. For without their territory, indigenous peoples collective well-being with their natural environment will also be gone. Without the material base of their existence, indigenous peoples will not be able practice their distinct culture, spirituality and ways of life. Thus, indigenous people claim and assert their right to self-determination. This is their collective right in the same manner that every nation-states exercise the right to self-determination as their right to development. This collective right of indigenous peoples will guarantee them the right to define and pursue their development in accordance with their own culture and ways of life, which remains dynamic. Other collective rights of indigenous peoples include the practice of their culture and indigenous systems which should be respected; the development of their languages; and the promotion of their interest and welfare in matters affecting them. These collective rights of indigenous peoples cannot be segregated from each other and from their fundamental rights as human beings like every one else. This is to ensure that indigenous peoples will have full control of their land and resources, and in charting their own development. These collective rights of indigenous peoples are now embodied in the draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of the United Nations, a document that has been the result of years of struggle and lobbying of indigenous peoples all over the world. Even with the growing popularization and recognition of indigenous peoples rights, these are still being violated with impunity in most countries with indigenous peoples among their population. Thus, more and more indigenous peoples are now putting stronger resistance, and forging solidarity relations, as well as intensifying their local struggles in defense of their land and their very survival. The Cordillera Indigenous Peoples, Their Environment and Human Rights The Cordillera Region The Cordillera Region is composed of the central mountain ranges located in Northern Luzon, Philippines. It has a total land area of approximately 1.75 million hectares or 17,500 square kilometers. The provinces comprising the Cordillera region are Abra, Mountain Province, Kalinga, Apayao, Ifugao, Benguet, and the city of Baguio. The present population of the region is approximately 1.3 million. The headwaters of major river systems in northern Luzon originate in the Cordillera Region such as the Chico river, the Agno river, the Amburayan river, the Abulog and Apayao twin rivers and the Abra river. The Cordillera Region is known for its rich mineral deposits, such as gold and copper found in the mineral belt traversing the entire mountain region. Primary gold reserves is estimated to be 1,964,060 metric tons and primary copper at 960,634,900 metric tons. It is also known for its forest endowment of hard wood and other varieties of trees. Forests occupy approximately 68.57% of the Cordilleras land area, but this was reduced to 46.28% by 1997. The soils of the Cordillera are generally rich. However, because of its rugged terrain, very steep slopes, and erosive characteristic, there is only a small percentage of land devoted to agriculture of wide area. The Cordillera Indigenous Peoples The Cordillera Region is the ancestral homeland of the Cordillera indigenous peoples, collectively referred to as the igorots, meaning people of the mountain. There are seven (7) major ethnolinguistic groups or peoples, namely the Kankanaeys, the Bontocs, the Kalingas, the Ifugaos, the Tingguians, the Apayao or Isneg and Ibaloy. However, these are the popular reference to indigenous groups, but there are more peoples as distinct as ili. Ili is a self identifying group of indigenous people, with their own defined territory as their ancestral land, and their own indigenous socio-cultural systems. The culture and ways of life of the Cordillera indigenous peoples have common and diverse characteristics. The common features are found in their concept of ancestral land ownership and collective management of the land. The symbiotic relationship between the people and the land and environment is highly developed in the region, such that land is equated with life itself. The economic system of indigenous peoples is largely subsistence economy. The agricultural cycle from planting to harvesting is collectively performed by the people, and certain rituals and indigenous practices are observed. There are also indigenous practices for the management of communally owned land and resources such as forests and river bodies. Community unity, collective work, mutual cooperation and assistance, selflessness and upholding the common good are the underlying values of villagers and tribes for peaceful co-existence. Indigenous socio-political systems are widely practiced in the region, such as decision-making by consensus where the opinion of elders is given premium. The cycle of life, from birth to death, is highly regarded by the performance of certain rituals upholding the sanctity of life, and death is seen as a process of joining the spirit world. Although the indigenous systems are now disintegrating rapidly mainly due to external factors and also internal developments, the indigenous peoples relationship with their land remains relatively strong. The Cordillera region, although predominantly populated by the Cordillera indigenous peoples, has at present a significant presence of non-indigenous population roughly estimated to be 15-20% of the population, mostly living in the city of Baguio and in the town centers of the Cordillera provinces. There is also a significant number of Cordillera indigenous peoples living at the boundary areas of the Cordillera adjoining other regions of Northern Luzon, namely Ilocos to the west and Cagayan Valley to the east. A Brief History Before the advent of colonialism into what is now known as the Philippine archipelago, the people of the Cordillera Region were communities or villages of tribes and clans. Spanish colonization, from 1521 to 1896, succeeded in subjugating most of the people of the islands which eventually formed the Philippines. However, within the islands effectively colonized by Spain were communities that remained largely free and unconquered. These communities were the Igorots of Northern Luzon, the Aetas of Central Luzon and the Moros of Mindanao in South Philippines. Throughout the 300 years of Spanish colonization, these communities continued to enjoy independence by being able to practice their own systems and ways of life. From the start, the Spanish colonizers were interested in the gold of the Igorots who were trading this with the lowlanders. The colonizers conducted several expeditions into the Cordillera, but were effectively repulsed by strong Igorot resistance. The Americans who took over from the Spanish colonizers were, however, able to effectively colonize the Cordillera Region from 1899 to 1945. They opened large-scale mining activities in areas where indigenous peoples used to practice small-scale mining such as in the province of Benguet. They established schools and churches in the different parts of the region. They also introduced the commercial production of vegetables that grows best only in temperate zones. They also established the city of Baguio and within it, Camp John Hay as the rest and recreation area of American miners and soldiers. American colonization started the swift process of the integration of the Cordillera indigenous peoples into the mainstream economic and political systems put in place by colonizers in the Philippines. The Plunder of the Indigenous Peoples Resources and the Resulting Environmental Destruction Since the formation of the Philippine State after the American colonial period, the Cordillera Region has always been regarded as a resource base for exploitation in the name of national development. But this is actually to hide the motive of the ruling elite and foreign capitalists to have access and gain from the plunder of the indigenous peoples resources. Under the legal framework of the States ownership of public lands and resources, successive Philippine governments institutionalized the outright denial and non-recognition of indigenous peoples rights over their land and resources through the enactment of several laws, decrees and policies. Forest areas were leased out to commercial logging companies, especially in the provinces of Apayao and Abra. Logging operations did not only lead to the dispossession of the Agtas and Isnegs, but also resulted to the depletion of forest resources, of wild animals and destruction of watershed areas. Because of the ill treatment of loggers to the Agta people, they were forced to move further in the interior of the forest, or moved to outlying areas where their discrimination has been prevalent. Dams and the Displacement of Indigenous Peoples In the Cordillera, homeland of the Igorots, large dams were constructed along the Agno river, namely the Ambuklao dam built from 1952-56 and the Binga Dam in 1956-60. The two dams submerged a total area of 650 hectares of precious farmlands, and displaced 300 Ibaloi families. To date, the victims of dam construction are not yet fully compensated from the destruction of their land and properties. Ambuklao dam is now un-operational due to siltation problem of 18 kilometers long, but the dam continue to submerge more rice fields and croplands in Bokod, Benguet. Binga is likewise heavily silted, and its partial operation is dependent on the continuing dredging work of the reservoir. In spite of this, a third dam along the Agno River is currently under construction, namely the San Roque Dam. This new dam, worth US $1.2 billion, will inundate additional ancestral land of the Ibalois and will adversely affect the livelihood sources of around 20,000 people of Itogon, Benguet. Presently, it has already dislocated more than 700 peasant families in Pangasinan. This project which is being funded by the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC) under an onerous Power Purchase Agreement (PPA) is bound to cause environmental disasters such as massive flooding in the upstream and lower stream of the project site; the creation of a big reservoir containing toxic mine waste; water pollution; and possible destruction of the dam itself should a sufficiently strong earthquake occurs. Mining and Destruction of the Environment Patented mining claims were also given to mining companies and individuals. The Cordillera Region is the first area in the country where corporate mining started when the mining company, Benguet Corporation, started operations in 1902, the first decade of American colonial rule. Eventually, twelve other mining companies operated in the province of Benguet. Using underground mining method, they did not rehabilitate the mined-out areas and just abandoned their tailings dams with heavy concentration of toxic waste. Since underground mining also heavily use timber, logging also accompanied mining operations and this has resulted in the further depletion of forest resources in the region. While these mining companies raked in billions of dollars in profit, the province of Benguet remains as one of the 20 poorest province in the country, together with the other provinces of the Cordillera. At present, two mining companies, Lepanto Consolidated Mining Incorporated ( LMCI) and Philex Mining Company continue to operate in Benguet. Lepanto Mining Company which started its commercial operation in the 1930s is now the subject of strong protest of affected communities because of massive environmental destruction.. A large section of the mining town of Mankayan is now declared a disaster area because of ground subsidence, which the people attribute to the tunnels dug by Lepanto in the past under their very houses. In July 1999, a 14 hectare-wide area at the foot of the huge tailings dam of Lepanto Mining suddenly sunk. An entire school building, the Mankayan Elementary School, was swallowed up with one resident buried alive. Other properties like houses, fruit trees and crops were damaged as well. In spite of appeals for compensation, the mining company refused to acknowledge responsibility for this disaster. Meanwhile, other vegetable farming communities in Mankayan believe that the continuing strip-mining of Lepanto is draining their water source. Thus, they have mounted a strong protest against Lepantos expansion of its mining operations. There are also complaints of noise pollution, coming from Lepantos milling operation. Likewise, the huge tailings dam of Lepanto is causing the pollution of the Abra River with the seepage of toxic waste flowing into the rice fields of the nearby province of Abra. Commercial Agriculture Commercial agriculture of temperate vegetables introduced by the Americans is also becoming a serious environmental concern because of the heavy use of pesticides and fertilizers. The Cordillera Region is now the biggest market of pesticides in the country. Areas of traditional farming for rice and local crops have been transformed into commercial vegetable gardens. Because of the heavy use of pesticides and commercial fertilizers, the fertility of the soil has been diminished, and health-related accidents and problems are mounting, such as respiratory infections, skin diseases and others. Commercial vegetable production has also led to widespread use of child labor, and unequal pay for women. It has also now become a threat to food security because more and more land previously devoted to rice production are now being converted into vegetable farms. The Cordillera Mass Movement and the Violation of Human Rights The outright disregard of the indigenous peoples collective right over their ancestral land and its resources, and the adverse impacts of destructive projects such as those cited above have led affected indigenous people communities to mount protest actions. But instead of addressing their legitimate grievances, the Philippine government has more often than not deployed police and army troopers to meet the peoples protest. Macliing Dulag, a tribal leader of the Kalingas, was killed by elements of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) on April 24, 1980, because of leading the successful opposition to the Chico dams project in the late seventies to early eighties. Truckloads of protesting Kalingas were also arrested and detained in Manila, but were eventually released because no case could be filed against them. The World Bank funded Chico dams project in the late 70s to early 80s would have flooded the rice fields and villagers of around 100,000 Kalingas and Bontocs. Thus, the affected villagers united and waged a struggle in all forms and avenues, including armed resistance. This struggle gained national and international attention and support. The same happened with the commercial logging activities of the Cellophil Resource Corporation in the province of Abra during the same period. Birth of a Mass Movement Out of these life-and-death struggles, a call for a peoples movement for the defense of their ancestral land was raised in the early 80s and this reverberated throughout the region. There was an enthusiastic response among the various tribes, despite the continuing militarization of the area. Several consultations and conferences were held involving tribal leaders and elders, workers, peasants, the womenfolk, church people, students and professionals, even as pocket resistance continued. In 1984 a region-wide multisectoral organization was established - the Cordillera Peoples Alliance or CPA. Thus was an Igorot mass movement born. CPA lost no time in launching region-wide campaigns for the recognition of indigenous peoples rights. As a result, its membership and influence grew. Aside from the CPA which is made up of peoples organizations, the indigenous peoples also put up non-government organizations (NGOs) and human rights institutions to address their need for people-oriented development and the protection of their civil and political rights. This was also received warmly by the people. This grassroots people empowerment should have been welcomed by the Aquino government recently installed then into power by a popular revolt in 1986. It could have harnessed the indigenous peoples organized strength to address their legitimate grievances against vested interests. Instead, it was alarmed by this growing strength and influence of the Igorot mass movement, and started targeting it for political isolation through black propaganda, red-baiting, and eventually the gross violation of their civil and political rights. Political Assassination In October 1987, Ama Daniel Ngayaan, a leader of CPA was killed by elements of the Cordillera Peoples Liberation Army, a splinter group of the NPA, which decided to cooperate with the Aquino administration. This was followed by the killing of Romy Gardo, a CPA organizer in Abra, in December 1988 by the same group. Likewise, two staff members of the Development Agency for Tribes in the Cordillera (DATC) were killed by AFP troopers in Bontoc in 1988. Chris Batan, a human rights worker was also killed by elements of the Civilian Auxiliary Force Geographical Unit, a paramilitary unit of the AFP in February 1990. These political assassinations were related to their strong advocacy for the defense of the indigenous peoples collective rights and human rights. Likewise, scores of NGO workers, local leaders, CPA volunteers, organizers , members and leaders in the villages were subjected to harassment and intimidation by the military. Military Campaigns It was during this period that Aquino government declared a Total War Policy against insurgents, and the Cordillera Region was identified as a focus area for intensive, wide-scale military operations to flush out the rebels who were then believed to have a strong presence in the region. The implementation of this policy from 1990-1992 has been by far the most vicious and intensive militarization of the Cordillera countryside, with more than 10,000 regular army troopers deployed in the Cordillera. This military campaign resulted in a reign of terror characterized by massive human rights violations. Aerial bombings and massive artillery shelling led to the evacuation of more than 30,000 village residents. The village of Daga in Conner, Apayao comprising of 16 houses were all burnt to the ground by military forces, while the houses of residents of Puguin, Conner, Apayao were ransacked and their animals butchered by army troopers in 1991. Scores of village leaders were illegally arrested and detained for interrogation. Certain areas were temporarily declared as no mans land, such as the Marag Valley in Apayao. Food blockades and checkpoints were set up and illegal searches were conducted. Civilians were used as human shields in search operations. Recruitment of paramilitary forces under the CAGFU was massive, reaching a peak of more than 2,000 recruits at one time. This militarization is clearly an assault on the Cordillera indigenous peoples territories and peaceful existence. It disrupted the peoples daily activities and even led to the disrespect of the peoples culture, as they were prevented from doing certain rituals. It also weakened community cohesion and unity, because of psywar, red-baiting and other divide and rule tactics employed by the military. Sexual harassment of women by soldiers, including cases of rape had been reported. The forced recruitment of paramilitary forces amongst villagers had been a major source of clan and tribal disputes and is a subversion of the indigenous peoples own system of security, cooperation and brotherhood. The peoples continuing opposition to destructive projects were suppressed and unjust actions were taken by the government against the people. More than 200 residents of Loakan, Itogon, Benguet were arrested, detained and were charged for obstruction of operation in July 1994. They were holding a barricade to stop the entry of heavy equipments in their territories to prevent the expansion of the open pit mining activities of Benguet Corporation. Another eleven residents of the mining town of Mankayan were also charged of the same offense when they tried to prevent the drilling activities of Lepanto Consolidated Mining Incorporated in 1998 and 1999. In another incident, the picket lines of striking agricultural workers in Vital Farm were violently dispersed by the police in Atok, Benguet. Their houses within the agricultural farm compound were demolished. The Impact of Globalization in the Cordillera: Continuing Militarization amidst Development Aggression Securing Resources for Foreign Investors In spite of the governments claim of success in flushing out rebels in the Cordillera, the heavy deployment of military forces in the region continues. Their deployment is not limited to areas suspected as rebel strongholds, but also in places rich in natural resources now being eyed for exploitation for project such as large scale mining, energy projects, and eco-tourism among others. Given the governments development agenda in the Cordillera, the militarization of the region serves to protect these resources for foreign investors while suppressing the peoples resistance against development aggression. The government has likewise continued to recruit local paramilitary forces from amongst the villagers despite the recruits record of human rights violations and other criminal activities. Recently, the Macapagal-Arroyo government has even integrated into the AFP, one faction of the notorious CPLA. The build-up of its repressive machinery in the Cordillera region belies the governments claim of delivering peace, justice and development to the indigenous people as claimed under a new law, the Indigenous People Rights Act of 1997. Mining the Peoples Wealth The governments so-called drive for global competitiveness has led to the further liberalization of countrys resources with the Cordilleras remaining resources now thrown open to further exploitation by multinational corporations and other foreign investors. For instance, when the Mining Act of 1995 was passed, there was a race among multinational mining corporations to take control of the peoples mineral resources in the Cordillera. This law allows 100% control of approved mineral lands claim for mining operations, as well as timber and water rights in these areas. Mining companies are also given the right to evict residents in areas of their mining operation. The law also provides tax holidays and 100% profit remittance of mining companies. To date, there are now 138 mining applications, covering more than a total area of 500,000 hectares. In October last year, 9 applications had been approved in Benguet and Abra, with a total land area of 14, 672.74. Thus, the liberalization of the Philippine Mining Industry has become a total sell out of the countrys mineral resources, and an outright disregard of the rights of indigenous peoples over their resources and will cause their further marginalization. On top of this, it will certainly cause massive and irreversible environmental destruction of the Cordillera peoples homeland as shown by the on-going operations of mining companies in the region, especially with the use of high technology mining methods such as open pit and bulk mining. This is plain and simple plunder of the peoples resources in any language, but the government is promoting it. More Dams in the Cordillera The passage of the Power Reform Act that was railroaded by the Macapagal-Arroyo government in the Philippine Congress has now liberalized the energy sector. This will also lead to the further dispossession of indigenous peoples and the destruction of the environment when the construction of new large dam will again commence. In the Cordillera, at least two large dams will start construction upon the investment of foreign companies. These are the Agbulu Dam (365 megawatts) in Kabugao, Apayao, and the Matuno Dam (250 megawatts) in the border of Asipulo, Ifugao and Ambaguio, Nueva Vizcaya. A feasibility study of the National Power Corporation (NPC) has shown a potential generation of 4,259 megawatts from the damming of Cordillera rivers. This will be most likely taken advantaged by dam builders and foreign investors in their drive for super-profits. Meanwhile, the rights of affected communities will again be disregarded like what is happening now in the on-going construction of the San Roque Multipurpose Dam and the protection of the riverine systems in the Cordillera will again be thrown to the dogs. (Refer to annex) Intensifying Exploitation through ODA The ongoing expansion of the commercial vegetable industry, being supported by Official Development Assistance (ODA) from the European Community and the Asian Development Bank is also rapidly changing the landscape of subsistence production with increasing reliance on imported seeds, fertilizers and pesticides among farmers. In spite government claims of poverty alleviation as the objective of these projects, most farming communities remain poor. Their growing dependency on cash in the process of getting involved in the commercial production of vegetables has also led them to uncertain source of food and other needs, as they are at the mercy of vegetable cartels, dealers of farm implements, usurers, and price manipulation of their products. In the recent past, crop destruction brought by certain new insects, such as the leaf miner and green tide, has affected severely the production of certain vegetables, such as potatoes and cabbages. Also, erratic climatic changes with torrential rains alternating with prolonged drought is severely affecting production. All of these are causing a bleak future for farmers in the Cordillera and elsewhere in the country. Ecotourism projects are also being criticized as these lead to the denial of access of indigenous peoples to portion of their ancestral lands and resources designated for eco-tourism and so-called bio-diversity protection, as well as to the further commercialization of the peoples culture. In particular, there is a growing suspicion that rich biodiversity areas prohibited to indigenous peoples but is open for researchers will lead to the patenting of the bio-diversities for control and commercial production. Likewise, the implementation for the privatization of public services, such as health, education, development of infrastructures are aggravating the already marginalized conditions of indigenous peoples and the majority of Filipinos. These are now becoming business enterprises for profit generation, instead of government services to the people. Because of the worsening poverty and lack of livelihood sources, a growing number of indigenous people mostly women are now becoming overseas contract workers as care givers and domestic helpers. More than 50,000 indigenous women are now working abroad, leaving behind their children and husbands. Thus, globalization in the Cordillera is clearly violating the collective rights of indigenous peoples, and leading to a worsening destruction of the environment. It has likewise worsened the already impoverished conditions of the people. In defense of land, life and resources It is within this context of continuing militarization amidst development aggression, that the Cordillera Peoples Alliance (CPA) has been conducting a series of campaigns for the defense of peoples land, life and resources since its establishment in 1984.. These campaigns include opposition to the construction of large dams and large commercial mining because of their destructive impact on the peoples lives and their environment. The alliance leads in the mobilization of communities in various protest actions and lobby work. It has also held dialogues with government officials, and other concerned agencies and private entities to present the peoples case. These campaigns have strengthened the local peoples capacity to defend their rights. In the process, it has generated support at the regional, national and international levels for the indigenous peoples cause. The Cordillera indigenous peoples movement has yet a long way to go for the realization of the peoples aspiration for the recognition of their ancestral land rights, and for genuine regional autonomy. But the capacity of the Cordillera indigenous peoples communities continue to gain strength. It is also building greater solidarity with the Filipino people and with other indigenous peoples and groups against globalization and for the recognition of indigenous peoples rights, human rights and the protection of the environment. Cordillera Administrative Region The Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR) covers the provinces of Abra, Apayao, Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga, Mt. Province and the chartered City of Baguio. These areas are located on the central portion of Northern Luzon bounded on the north by Ilocos Norte and Cagayan, on the south by Pangasinan and Nueva Vizcaya, on the east by the Cagayan Valley and on the west by the Ilocos Region. Before its separation as an administrative region, Benguet, Baguio City and Abra were part of Region I. Kalinga, Apayao and Ifugao were included in Region II. The Cordillera is landlocked but it has its share of rivers, creeks and mountain springs. It boasts of wonderful scenic rock formations, caves and terraced rice fields. The region has a total of 1,829,368 hectares which accounts for approximately sixteen percent (16%) of the country's land area. The CAR is generally characterized by steep mountainous and high elevation terrain, with an elevation of a minimum of 1, 000 meters above sea level in Abra and a maximum of 2,922 meters above sea level in Mt. Pulag, Benguet. Almost three-fourths (3/4) of the region's land area have steep to very steep slopes. More than half of the region has a slope of fifty percent (50%) and above which allows for a very limited area for intensive agriculture and settlement. Most of the region's area is under a cool-highland pedo-ecological zone with the highest temperature recorded at 22 degrees centigrade especially in Benguet and Mt. Province. Warm climate predominates in the low-lying area where the provinces of Abra, Apayao, Ifugao and Kalinga are located. LOCATION North Central portion of Luzon LAND AREA (hectares) 1,829,368 (16% of the country's land area) Certified Alienable & Disposable Land 340,656 Forest Land 1,488,712 (81% of the region and 9% of the country's land area ) TOPOGRAPHY CAR is generally characterized by steep mountainous and high elevation terrain, almost 3/4 of the region's land area have steep to very steep slopes. 33% of the region's tableland lie 1000 meters or more above sea level, generally gives the cool temperate climate mostly in Benguet and Mt. Province REGIONAL CAPITAL Baguio City PROVINCES/CITY Abra, Apayao, Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga, Mt. Province, Baguio City NO. OF MUNICIPALITIES / CITY 76 / 1 NO. OF BARANGAYS 1,172 POPULATION (1995) 1,254,838 (the lowest in the entire country) POP. GROWTH RATE 1.71% CLIMATE Most of the region's area is under a cool-highland pedo-ecological zone with the highest temperature recorded at 22C. especially in Benguet and Mt. Province. Warm climate predominates in the low-lying areas where the provinces of Abra, Apayao, Ifugao and Kalinga are located Igorot Igorot (pronounced [ɪgəˈrot]) is the general name for the people of the Cordillera region, in the Philippines island of Luzon. The Igorot form two subgroups: the larger group lives in the south, central and western areas, and is very adept at rice-terrace farming; the smaller group lives in the east and north. Some Igorot groups formerly practiced headhunting. Igorot ethnic groups The Bontoc The Ibaloi The Ifugao The Isneg The Kalinga The Kankana-ey Igorot ethnic groups The Cordillera region of Northern Philippines is the ancestral domain of the Igorots. It is comprised of the six provinces of Abra, Apayao, Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga, and Mountain Provinces, plus the lone city of Baguio. The Igorots are grouped into six ethno-linguistic groups, the Bontoc, Ibaloi, Ifugao, Isneg (or Apayao), Kalinga, and the Kankana-ey. Below are brief descriptions of these Igorot ethnic groups. The Bontoc Alternative/Associated Names: Bontok, Bontoc Location: Central Mountain Province Dialect: Bontok The Bontocs live on the banks of the Chico River. They were once well-known because of their headhunting practices. Present-day Bontocs are a peaceful agricultural people who have, by choice, retained most of their traditional culture despite frequent contacts with other groups. The pre-Christian Bontoc belief system centers around a hierarchy of spirits, the highest being a supreme deity called Lumawig. Lumawig personifies the forces of nature and is the legendary creator, friend, and teacher of the Bontoc. A hereditary class of priests hold various monthly ceremonies for this deity for their crops, the weather, and for healing. The Bontoc also believe in the "anito"spirits of the dead who must be consulted before anything important is done. Ancestral anitos are invited to family feasts when a death occurs to ensure the well-being of the deceased's soul. The Bontoc social structure used to be centered around village wards ("ato") containing about 14 to 50 homes. Traditionally, young men and women lived in dormitories and ate meals with their families. This gradually changed with the advent of Christianity. In general, however, it can be said that all Bontocs are very aware of their own way of life and are not overly eager to change The Ibaloi Alternative/Associated Names: Ibaloi/Nabaloi Location: Southern Benguet Dialect: nabaloi The Ibaloi live mostly in the southern part of Benguet. An agricultural people cultivating rice in fields, they have language affinity with Pangasinan, its southern neighbor. Baguio City, the only city of the Cordilleras, dubbed the "Summer Capital of the Philippines," is in southern Benguet. The Ibalois' major feast is the Pesshet, a public prestige feast of the wealthy that can last for weeks and involves the butchering and sacrifice of dozens of animals. One of their more popular dances is the Bendiyan Dance, participated in by as many as a hundred male and female dancers. The Ifugao Alternative/Associated Names: Ifugao, Amganad, Ayangan, Kiangan, Gilipanes, Quiangan, Tuwali Ifugao, Mayoyao (Mayoyao, Mayaoyaw) Location: Ifugao Province Dialect: Four distinct Ifugao dialects The country of the Ifugao in the southern part of the Cordillera region is best known for its famous rice terraces, which in modern times have become one of the big tourist attractions of the Philippines. The Ifugaos typically build their houses at the edge of their fields. A distinctive aspect of these houses is the post just below the floor beams to keep rats from climbing into the house. Aside from their rice terraces, the Ifugaos are known for their literary traditions of the 'hudhud' and the 'alim.' The term "Ifugao" is derived from "ipugo" which means earth people or mortals or humans, as distinguished from spirits and deities. It also means "from the hill," as "pugo" means hill. The Ifugaos' highest prestige feasts are the "hagabi," for the most wealthy; and the "uyauy," a feast for those immediately below the wealthiest. The Isneg Alternative/Associated Names: Isnag, Dibagat-Kabugao-Isneg, Apayao Location: Northern Apayao Dialect: Isnag The Isneg (or Apayao) inhabit the banks of the Apayao River and its tributaries in Northern Luzon. Like most erstwhile headhunters, they are slash-and-burn farmers who have recently, under the influence of their neighbors, begun to practice wet-rice agriculture. As a dry rice farmer, the male head of a household annually clears a fresh section of tropical forest where his wife will plant and harvest their rice. Isneg women also cook the meals, gather wild vegetables and weave bamboo mats and baskets, while the men cut timber, build houses and take extended hunting and fishing trips. Often when a wild pig or deer is killed, its meat is skewered on bamboo and distributed to neighbors and relatives. Nearly all Isneg households also harvest a small grove of coffee trees since the main cash crop of the area is coffee. The Kalinga Alternative/Associated Names: Linimos, Limos; Limos-Liwan Kalinga Location: Kalinga Province Dialect: Kalinga, Limos Inhabiting the drainage areas of the middle Chico River, the Kalingas are noted for their strong sense of tribal awareness and the peace pacts they have made among themselves. They practice both wet and dry rice farming and have developed an institution of peace pacts which has minimized traditional warfare and headhunting and serves as a mechanism for the initiation, maintenance, renewal and reinforcement of kinship and social ties. The Kalinga are divided into Southern and Northern groups; the latter is considered the most heavily-ornamented people of the northern Philippines. Kalinga society is very kinship-oriented and relatives are held responsible for avenging any injury done to a member. Disputes are usually settled by the regional leaders, who listen to all sides and then impose fines on the guilty party. These are not formal council meetings, but carry a good deal of authority. The Kankana-ey Alternative/Associated Names: Northern Kankana-ey; Sagada/Besao Igorot, Western Bontoc, Applai Location: Western Mountain Province, Southeastern Ilocos Sur Province, Northern Benguet Dialect: Northern Kankana-ey The Kankana-ey's domain includes Western Mountain Province, Northern Benguet and Southeastern Ilocos Sur. Like most Igorot ethnic groups, the Kankana-ey built sloping terraces to maximize farm space in the rugged terrain of the Cordilleras. Two famous institutions of the Kankana-ey of Mountain Province are the dap-ay, the men's dormitory and civic center, and the ebgan, the girls' dormitory where courtship between young men and women took place. Kankana-ey's major dances include takik, a wedding dance, and ballangbang Filipino Mythology Gods and Goddesses The famous Gods and Goddesses of Greek, Roman, Norse, Egyptian, Chinese, and Japanese mythology are the most widespread popular mythology in the world today. These different countries contain different Gods and Goddesses. Even if Filipino Mythology is not as well-known as the others, they still contain similar elements, such as Gods, Goddesses, creation stories, mythical creatures and beliefs. Here are the Gods and Goddesses of Filipino Mythology: Ideale- the goddess of harvest. If you want to work with her, offer here a plate of rice when the moon is full at around seven in the evening. She will help you in times of trouble provided that you tend plants and herbs of any kind. Bathla- the sky god, later called as Bathala. He offers the knowledge of the Air element. Offerings of Frankinsence are very appealing to him. Sidapa- the god of death. Although seen as a dark god, he is kind and caring and will help his priest or priestess in times of need. Sol- the god of the sun. Luna- god of the Moon. She weeps for her lover, Kertes, who died in a battle with the sun. That is why we cannot see her sometimes because she hides her mourning face. Habagat- the god of winds. He rules the whole of the Himpapawirin, the kingdom of silver and gold found in the sky. He will invite his worshipers to his magnificent kingdom. Pughe- the king of the Dwendes of the North. A dwende is a filipino gnome. Most are divided into the black and white varities. Kuntalapa- goddess of childbirth. Pamahres- god of knowledge. Told Sol how he can break the protection given by Luna to Kertes. Dal'lang- goddess of beauty. Bestows the gift of Beauty to her followers. Lalahon- goddess of volcanoes. In the olden days, a virgin girl was sacrificed in order to keep the goddess satisfied. But in this time, an offering of fire will please her. Kidul- god of earthquakes. Bagobo- god of war. Kalinga- god of thunder. Agui- god of fire, brother of Agwe. Agwe- god of waters Mangaragan- goddess of war. Lalahon- maiden aspect of Ideale Siginaguran- god of hell Somilge- goddess of magick, queen of witchery, crone aspect of Ideale. She bestows upon her priestess the gift of magick. Deltise- the god of mambabarangs Martes- the son of Bagobo. Prince of pain and war. Kilubansa- the god of healing, Father of Dihas. Dihas- the goddess of medicinal herbs. Pasipo- god of music. Detinos- the god of evil. Enemy of Bathla. Sirenha- the goddess of fishes. The Sirenas or mermaids are her children. Oghep- the god of mountains and hills. S'dop-(sodop) the goddess of gold. Dayea- the goddess of secrets. Bayoa- the god of pacts. Invoke during bloodpacts. Aspene- the shell goddess. Punho- the god of trees. Kertes- the lover of Luna, killed by Sol. Born as a human, Kertes was transformed into a god after his death. Haspe- King of the Tamaos. Halmista- God of Magic. Highest of all the Magickal Gods, he is the father of Deltise and Kilawnea Kapalaran- Although he is not a God, he is still considered as a high power. He has the power tochange destiny at his will. He is the strongest of all Eternal Beings. Sehana- The goddess of love. She has the power to bestow love on any moprtal or Immortal being Tabuk, Kalinga To the Kalinga, tattoos are more than just skin drawings. They carry with them vibrant stories of life in the old days, now lost in a fast changing world. In Kalinga, the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples, a government agency tasked to attend to indigenous peoples concerns, has listed tattoos as cultural and heritage treasures, and recently, it documented the last carriers of this lost tradition in photographs and narratives. The aging bodies of the men and women of Kalinga are the canvasses of the vanishing art of body tattooing in the Cordillera. Around 50 of them still alive today carry the mobile art of a bygone era, and only one tattoo artist remains in the villages of Tinglayan and Tanudan in Kalinga. Among the illustrated Kalingas are 46 women who say that if they had a choice some 50 years ago, they would not have consented to undergo the pain of tattooing. At the urging of their parents and their elders, they agreed back then to have their bodies tattooed because of the belief that a person with no tattoos was no good. Madi ti awan batek na. Nu matay ka isu ti tawid mi nga matay. Issu la ti maitugut mi (It was taboo then to be without tattoos. The tattoo is the only thing that you can bring with you into the next life),? says Josephine Apayao, 60 years old. The rich, the beautiful and the brave Batek is the ethnic word for tattoo in some parts of the Cordillera, and the mambatek is the old man who is the artist and executioner of his own designs. Batek is also the word for the antique beads such as the colorful chevrons, agates, corals, and sometimes bones, worn as adornment by the ethnic tribes. According to scholars, these beads were brought to the Philippines from Africa centuries ago by the Chinese and the Spaniards for bartering. The Itnegs or Tingguians of Abra also used to practice tattooing, but the tradition died earlier probably because among all the provinces in the Cordillera, Abra was the most colonized due to its proximity to the Ilocos region. Baket Calumaya was the last tattooed woman that this writer saw in Pennarubia, Abra. She was in her 90s when she died in 1989. Abra has similar cultural traditions as its neighboring province of Kalinga. Here, only the landed rich known as baknangs, who owned precious beads to give their children as inheritance, could have the tattoos that went with wearing the beads. Sometimes the tattoos mimicked the designs of the beads. Because they had the means, the baknangs could afford the time to go through the process of tattooing, which meant having fewer field hands for weeks until they regained the strength from the agony of being tattooed. The tattoo artist and the women Most of the Kalinga women had their tattoos at age 16. Parents made their daughters undergo tattooing as early as 12 years old. Maria Bagwan, now 67, said she was 14 when she was urged by her parents to have her body tattooed. Rosa Oddoc, from Tanudan, now also in her 70s, was 12 when she was tattooed. She describes the process as painful and bloody. But tattoos were important in finding a mate because in their day, a woman without tattoos was unattractive in the eyes of the men. The youngest tattooed woman documented by the NCIP is Or-is Guinnayao, 53. While most of the women are in their 60s, some are in their 70s and 80s. Oddoc remembers that some six needles were used to tattoo her arms in two separate sessions each lasting a day. She recalls that it took a whole day to tattoo the full length of her arm. It would take about four days for the swelling and the pain to subside before the mambatek worked on her other arm. Oddoc was tattooed by Diego Agdongad, known as Lakay Datoy, now 81 years old. The last of his breed, he is now almost blind. The resinous branch of a pine tree was burned and pounded into a fine powdery consistency in a clay pot, then transferred into a bowl where the juice of sugarcane was poured. The mixture was made into small balls and dried under the sun,? Oddoc says to describe the preparation made by Lakay Datoy for her tattoo sessions. A lost tradition Iking Salvador, a young anthropologist and a faculty member of the University of the Philippines College Baguio did a thesis on the tattoo tradition of Kalinga, particularly in Lubo which concluded that the art of tattooing is now a lost tradition in Kalinga. There has been no transfer of this knowledge to the younger generation and, except for Datoy, the old mambateks have died. In fact, the young Kalingans are not even interested in this old tradition, as shown by their refusal to have tattoos. The NCIP found six men from Lubo with tattoos on their bodies. They are Francisco Domatog, 85, Alex Codiam, 84, Pu-ing Doc-yong, 83, and Paga Abaggoy, 78, Teodoro Bulang, 73 years old, and George Casing (Lakay Casing), 79. Bulang explains that the tribals wore batek in the past because of the scarcity of clothing. But now, with the abundance of clothing, tattooing has lost its necessity for the younger generation. Naty Sugguiyao, chief of the NCIP-Kalinga explained that there were more women than men with tattoos because while tattoos were worn by the women for adornment, the men had to earn their bateks. Thus, they got their tattoos at a later age. Bulang said he was 30 when he got his tattoos. Batek for the men was like a star or a medal of bravery in battle. It signified a kill or the head of an enemy taken in the fierce tradition of kayaw (headhunting). It was taboo or mabarros (a curse) for a man to have a tattoo for no reason,? Sugguiyao explains. That is why it is a lost tradition, because headhunting is no longer practiced,? says Sugguiyao. In her mid-50s, Sugguiyao is without a tattoo, but she says that her father earned his tattoos during the Tulgaw-Lubao war. The last generation Sugguiyao gathered the last generation of tattooed people for documentation during the Ullalim Cultural Festival on February 14 in the capital town of Tabuk. Their pictures were taken for free by skilled photographers, both foreign and Filipinos. Napinget ti kina-Kalinga da (Their Kalinga identity is very strong),? Sugguiyao describes her people. But behind the tattoos and faces of Kalingas villagers is the underlying face of poverty and lack of education, according to Sugguiyao. All of them are farmers. Some of them are vendors in the market of Tabuk and some are housewives. Their educational level is very low because they could not afford higher education. Most of the men though reached high school,? she says, like 79-year old George Casing from Lubo, who was able to finish second-year high school. Tattoos: once worn in shame, now with pride Casing said that the Kalingas wear long-sleeved shirts to hide their tattoos whenever they go to the lowlands like Manila because of the look on the faces of people who stare at their tattoos. The mambatek who did his tattoo in 1964 was an old man named Lumiyak, of Lubo. On his arms were what he called the binatbattoko design, and his chest was covered with the inadi-adik or a rounded design. Other tattoo designs documented were the ginaygayaman (centipede), linalfalafat (from a flower called lafat), uleg (snake), inulufug, inaki-akit (a design copied from the rattan fruit skin). With the attention that they are now getting, the last of the tattooed women and men of Kalinga displayed their tattoos proudly during the Ullalim Festival. In fact, they requested for copies of their photographs, as souvenirs for their children. Their tattoos are now chronicles of a unique era in their culture. THESTORY There is a strong resurgence of people getting tattoos from a Philippine design in the Filipino American community. It has been taking part of our lives as a new moral, a new code, a new love, a new respect and a new vision. The tattoo process is not like getting a happy meal at the drive in. It requires patience, and understanding of what you're about to do to your body and spirit, not to mention good artistic ability. People seeking to identify with Philippine tattoo art have sought and traveled to work with pioneer artist/ writer/ cultural worker, Aleks Figueroa, who has many frequent flyer miles in both research and tattoo experience. majority of people in the Philippines still view tattoos as a symbol reserved for those in jail, a dirty expression, and a dying one with the tribal peoples of the mountain provinces. Once revered as a symbol for headhunters and their relations, the tribal peoples have since abandoned this ..as well as headhunting) and lean towards more western ways. The symbols of their tattoos are minimal in documentation and may be seen in Aleks Figueroa's forthcoing book on tattoos from the Philippines.* Today, those who have been tattooed are predominately of Filipino American descent. They have had keen interests in various styles- American, Japanese, or Polynesian tattooing or any of it's influence Toward the jungles The Philippines then off to Borneo Lockhart passes through classic rice terrace landscapes that adorn every travel poster from The Philippines. Its an area struggling to modernize, struggling to remain the same. Here, hes told, hell find the worlds oldest man. He also comes across some ancient beliefs -- if a small bird twice flies across your path, youll meet with misfortune at your destination. Tom keeps his eyes open as he zeros in on the northern Kalinga tribesmen, the most ornamented people of the region. Hes heard that traditional warfare, head hunting, and tattooing as a rite of passage, are all but extinct. In their place, institutionalized peace pacts reinforce rites of kinship and cement social ties. But its only a matter of time before Tom encounters heavily tattooed village elders who might dramatize the tattoo tradition for the camera -- and resurrect their body art one more time. According to Kalinga tradition, a boy had to taste the blood of his first victim before the community recognized him as a warrior. The blood not only gave him strength, it ensured he would not die young. Tom finds a family steeped in the old ways and is shown how the jaw bone of a past trophy was rendered into the handle of a brass gong. He is told that a pig or water buffalo used to be sacrificially slaughtered to honour the event, then one more animal presented as payment to the tattooist. Lockhart watches the old tattooist ready a needle for dipping in pine and sugarcane juice. Que sera, sera. Filipino Tattoos" were paved by Filipino Americans emphasizing identity to one's roots. The Alibata/Baybayin tattoo was one of the first identifications and was documented by individuals in the mid 1990s. The first documented person to wear an Alibata tattoo was Rahul Lagura. Specifically, the unifying "Ka" syllable/symbol which was tattooed on his sternum about 4-5" wide in the early 1990s. Larger back tattoo patterns from collages of Filipino life, ornate insturments to large family names in Alibata/Baybayin have been some themes people have chosen for their tattooo expressions. Tribal homages have been made with unique pattern combinations from various Filipino tribes. One of the first full sleeves on a Filipina- American is worn by Sabrina Margarita Alcantara-Tan who lives in New York. She was fully sleeved around the mid-1990s. Ed Habacon was one of the first to havehis forearms heavily tattooed with traditional Kalinga headhunter patterns which were tattooed in the late 1990s by the great Leo Zulueta. More recently, within the last year or two, adding to the urban indigeneo (Indigenous Urban/ Modern Primitive) landscape are a new generation of Filipino descendants that have full sleeves and chest tattoos reminiscent of the traditional tattoos that the headhunters of the highlands wear. They are contemporary in design and despite the Filipino inspired patterns, it is clear that the influence is from Polynesian style tattoooing, Filipino ceramic, and textile art. They share a vision to spread the wealth and beauty of our culture though tattoos and by those that wish to be in touch with them. With artistic ingenuity, experience and reference, neo-tribal (new tribal) Filipino tattoos can be designed and tattooed to tell a story of what a person desires in a tattoo adding to the tribal experience. If you choose to get a tattoo inspired by Filipino tattoo art, we hope you consider contacting us for your interests.
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